The pioneers were not just homesteaders, they were doing pioneering church work as well. At least part of their motivation for leaving Scotland was to escape brutal religious repression. They had very individual and strongly held beliefs.

The religious community of Scots that gathered in Berlin Township, St. Clair County was, and still is, very unique. The church philosophy was based on the writings of Emmanuel Swedenborg, a Swedish renaissance man. Swedenborg had religious visions throughout his life and he ended up writing volumes about his revelations. His writings were taken seriously in England and a church grew up out of his spiritual writings. Because of a few individuals in England and later in Glasgow, Swedenborg’s teachings eventually reached all the way to the wilderness that was Berlin Township, St Clair County, Michigan in the 1800’s. This is a fascinating story that I spent many months piecing together for the book.

The Scottish settlers were predominately Presbyterians, which makes sense because that was the national religion of Scotland. The English followed the Anglican church and were increasingly insistent that the Scottish drop their religious practices in favor of the English perspective. Thus, a lot of blood was shed and many devout Presbyterians left Scotland.

There was a Scottish Presbyterian Church and a school that stood near where the Scottish Cemetery stands today along Scottish Settlement Road, just outside Almont. This was a United Presbyterian church, an offshoot of traditional Presbyterian practice. When the Scots who came directly from lower Scotland went to church with Scottish Americans who had migrated west to homestead in Michigan, they argued about what should be sung, whether instruments were to be allowed, and when and how church services were to be conducted. They eventually split into two factions. I have tried to faithfully tell this story in the book.

It seemed at first that the defining religious stories in the Scottish Settlement centered around the Swedenborgians and the Presbyterians. I thought, however, in all fairness that I should examine the other early churches, and I set about doing that reluctantly. When I studied the Paton family--for their section of the book--my attention was drawn to the pioneer David Paton, and his rejection of the Kirk (Presbyterian church) in Scotland. David Paton was a Campbellite, which is a sect with doctrines similar to the Baptist’s faith.

It turned out that David’s son John Henry Paton was a significant co-founder of the Adventist’s famous magazine, The Watch Tower. John wrote a few early books about the Adventists, books which I thought I should have in my library. I found one of these books on E-Bay selling for a mere $5,000. Evidently, these texts are important records for Adventist church history. John’s personal story is powerful and I did my best to tell the story in the pages that follow.

The Scottish Settlement pioneers were overwhelmingly Protestant, primarily members of the Baptist, Methodist, Presbyterian, or Swedenborgian ministries. It is for this reason that our discussion will focus on the development of the protestant sects. Furthermore, the most influential churches in the Settlement were the United Presbyterian, Swedenborgian, and Baptist, so our focus is further narrowed to these three Christian churches.

Organized religion in the lower peninsula of Michigan began in Detroit, the only city of any size in the early 1800s, and a major port throughout the fur trading era. For over two hundred years, roughly mid 1500s to mid 1700s, the Great Lakes region was a French colony called New France. The French were predominantly Catholics. Few Frenchmen moved to the colony and non-Catholics were forbidden to settle there. (Dunbar, 1995) When the territory of Michigan was established in 1805, the influence of the protestant churches was very weak, while the Catholic Church was strong, well developed, and had a long history.

It wasn't until Michigan became a territory that efforts were begun to bring a Protestant influence westward from the eastern United States. The overall territorial population in Michigan was so small that it was not practical to divide into sects. The population of Detroit after the War of 1812, was just 850 Europeans; half were French Catholic. Dividing the remaining four hundred into Baptist, Methodists, and other sects was not practical.

The new governor of the Michigan Territory was Lewis S. Cass, a Protestant; he worked from the beginning of his administration to increase the presence and power of the Protestant perspective. In May, 1816, a request was sent from Cass to the faculty of Princeton Seminary (a Presbyterian organization) asking for a missionary to be sent for the purpose of bringing the Gospel to Detroit. Since all attempts to bring a lasting denominational body to Detroit had failed up to that time, the decision was made to form a society to serve the entire Protestant population regardless of denominational affiliation. (Comin and Fredsell, 1850)

Princeton Seminary sent a Scotsman (by ancestry), John Monteith (a Presbyterian) to serve the cause of the Protestants. Monteith left Princeton on horseback on June 10, 1816 and arrived in Detroit fifteen days later, on June 25th. He wrote in his diary that he preached "the first Protestant sermon in Michigan." He delivered this sermon at three o'clock in the afternoon, Sunday, June 30, 1816.

"The congregation resembled the one on the day of Pentecost- "Parthians and Medes and Elamites and the dwellers in Mesopotamis," for there were in this congregation Methodists, Presbyterian's, Congregationalists, Baptists, Episcopalians, and probably many without denominational connection." (Comin and Fredsell, 1850)

The first Protestant Church in Detroit was therefore multi-denominational. It was officially dedicated in March of 1820. There is a broader history that tied Protestants together in the United States; the cooperation in Detroit among the Christian sects had roots in New England. Before the American Revolution, the Church of England was active in the colonies, just as it had been in Great Britain. The English Church was busy in America, as in England, Scotland, and Ireland, trying to dominate discussion and to eventually eliminate contrary or different Christian perspectives. This was the same energy that had driven many people to emigrate and they were determined not to recreate the old world in the new. There was a combined, loosely organized effort on behalf of Methodists, Presbyterian's, Congregationalists, and Baptists (and other sects) to oppose the power of the Anglican Church in the colonies. In addition, the expanding western frontier was fertile ground for development of the Protestant perspective; it made sense, at least in the beginning, for the churches to cooperate. John Monteith's newly established Protestant church was part of a larger plan for the spread of Christianity throughout the frontier.

John Monteith was a remarkable man, with just the right personality and willpower for the task. He was the glue that held the Protestant movement together in Michigan. Besides this important contribution, he is one of the founders of the University of Michigan and was first president of the University, which was established in Detroit in 1817, before it moved to Ann Arbor in 1837. Monteith later became active in the anti-slavery movement.

He was active in the anti-slavery controversy when it was very unpopular, if not dangerous to espouse such a cause. He was threatened, his horse's mane and tail sheared, and he suffered many indignities, but he persevered. He was very active in the "underground railroad," and often had his home filled with Negroes on their way to freedom." (Comin and Fredsell, 1850)

From the moment he arrived in Detroit, Monteith formed a bond with the famous Catholic Priest, Father Richard, who had an established church and a relatively large following. Richard was evidently a generous man, who welcomed Monteith as an ally in the battle for a greater good.

It becomes clearer why Father Richard so eagerly greeted John Monteith upon his arrival in Detroit, and why it was so necessary for the religions to bond together for the common good, when we reflect on this statement from "The History of the Presbyterian Church in Michigan":

"In its early history, Detroit had the unenviable reputation of being one of the most God-forsaken places on the continent. When the missionary, Joseph Badger, visited the city in the early days, he reported he couldn't find a single Christian with the possible exception of a colored man who "appeared to be pious." John Monteith was shocked speechless by what he saw and heard. He had never even imagined such depravity anywhere." (Comin and Fredsell, 1850)

Before he left Detroit to take a position as a professor at Hamilton College in New York, John Monteith not only helped create the first Protestant church in Detroit, but he also was instrumental in helping to bring about the first Presbyterian church, in Monroe in 1820, and he influenced the creation of the second Presbyterian Church in Pontiac in 1824. The Presbyterian church in Pontiac would be influential in the development of the Presbyterian and Congregational churches that eventually developed in the Scottish Settlement.

After John Monteith left his position in Detroit in June, 1821, the combined Protestant Church that he helped create, dissolved into sectarian factions. The Methodists withdrew and set up their own church in 1822. Then the Episcopalians left to set up St. Paul's Church in Detroit in 1824. In 1826, the original Protestant Church became a solely Presbyterian organization. The Congregationalists were tightly in harmony and organization with the Presbyterians until 1844. After that date, they too separated from their Presbyterian brothers; the division into sectarian churches was compete for Michigan by that date.

The protestant religion began in Europe in the early 16th century as a reaction against Roman Catholic doctrines and practices. Protestants divided into sects over time as differences of opinion arose. Then the sects began to differ regarding doctrine and social change, and so further divided into a bewildering array of sub-sects labeled variously as reformed, united, associated, orthodox, evangelical, old school, new school, high church, low church, etc.

"The Act allowed freedom of worship to Nonconformists who had pledged to the oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy and rejected transubstantiation, i.e. Protestants who dissented from the Church of England such as Baptists and Congregationalists but not to Catholics. Nonconformists were allowed their own places of worship and their own teachers, if they accepted certain oaths of allegiance." (Wikipedia, 2011)

The Tolerance Act was debated through the years and gradually amended to be even more liberal. By the time Emanuel Swedenborg's revelations were emerging in England in the late 1700's, New Church doctrines were allowed full expression (plenty of acrid debate among the Protestants, but a debate and tolerance nonetheless). This liberal religious stance did not transfer to the European continent, where Catholicism was strong and tolerance less accepted. That is a major reason why England, and London in particular, emerged as a caldron of religious perspectives.

"Several of the original Thirteen Colonies were established by settlers who wished to practice their own religion without discrimination: the Massachusetts Bay Colony was established by English Puritans (Congregationalists), Pennsylvania by British Quakers, Maryland by English Catholics, and Virginia by English Anglicans." (Wikipedia, 2011)

Later pioneers, those coming after the late 1700s, were less oppressed, freer to expound and spread their perspectives. The Scottish pioneers who came to Michigan arrived with far less stress and urgency than their ancestors. Debates were still intense, often hostile, but people weren't being hanged or burned at the stake for having a difference of opinion.

It is important to realize that the idea of separation of church and state was an invention of the people of the United States. In the rest of the western world, people were obliged to accept the religion of their rulers. Churches were part of the governing system in Europe and Great Britain.

In England, to worship outside the Established Religion, before the Act of Tolerance, was a crime punishable by death. The Congregationalists (Puritans) and the Presbyterians were outlaw religions in the beginning. The original founders of the Congregational Church were hanged by the English! (Comin and Fredsell, 1850) The Presbyterians escaped the death penalty (in the early years) because they tried to reshape the church from within, rather than just abandoning the dictates of the Anglican Church as the Congregationalists had done.

Presbyterianism and Congregationalism bypassed the state system of English priests and governing rules. They created their own methods for organizing and delivering religion. The word "presbyter" means elder, and a Presbyterian Church is one governed through the wisdom of elders. Ministers and elders together constituted the Kirk, the governing body of the church in Scotland.

Ironically in Scotland, Presbyterianism, by an act of parliament, was declared the National Church, and in virtue of this state connection, attained a privileged position relative to any other religious doctrine. This cooperation of Church and State led over time to the interference of government into the affairs of religion. It was also instrumental in the conflicts between England and Scotland, since each country had a different state religion.

This state-sanctioned Presbyterian perspective was the core of the religion that the Scottish brought from their native land to Michigan, to the Scottish Settlement. In the American colonies, Presbyterian practice had evolved thousands of miles and a couple centuries isolated from Scottish homeland influence. Consequently, the Presbyterianism that the Scotch Settlement pioneers brought to Michigan in the 1830s, clashed with the practices of the migrating Presbyterian pioneers coming from New England.

In 1711, the Scottish State passed the Patronage Act giving landowners the right to appoint ministers. From this and similar conflicts, the Presbyterian church divided several times into factions and sub-sects. In 1847, two of these factions, the Secession Church and the Relief Church, joined to become the United Presbyterian Church.

The United Presbyterian Church is important for our discussion because it was at this time in history (1850's) in Almont Township, Lapeer County, Michigan that the Scottish Settlers established their own United Presbyterian Church. There was an earlier church in Metamora Township, but it was an amalgamation of New Englanders and newly arrived Scottish Presbyterians. When they tried, each in their own manner, to practice their religion, they clashed and were unable to reconcile differences. Consequently, the Scottish group broke off and established a new congregation in Almont. There was at about the same time in Detroit a Presbyterian church with direct Scottish roots. This church and the one in the Scotch Settlement probably were linked by itinerant ministers, although I have not been able to definitively trace connections.

"A Presbyterian Church known as the Scotch Church was organized in 1845 (in Detroit) but was connected with the United Association Church of Scotland and did not become an American Church until 1879, when its name was changed to the Central Presbyterian Church." (Comin and Fredsell, 1850)

"According to Hall's Index, Bruce United Presbyterian Church in Almont, Michigan, was organized by the Associate Presbyterian Church in 1846. The congregation changed denominations to the United Presbyterian Church of North America in 1858. The congregation was dissolved or dropped from roll in 1920." (this is the Scotch Settlement church that was built on Scotch Settlement Road in Almont). (Jacobson, 2011)

"While the larger Presbyterian Church was a mix of Scotch-Irish and Yankees from New England, several smaller Presbyterian groups were almost entirely Scotch-Irish. Fisk (1968) traces the history of the Associate Reformed Church ... from its formation by a union of Associate and Reformed Presbyterians in 1782 to the merger ... with the Seceder Scotch-Irish bodies to form the United Presbyterian Church in 1858 ... It withdrew from the parent body in 1820 because of the drift of the eastern churches toward assimilation into the larger Presbyterian Church with its Yankee traits. The Associate Reformed Synod of the West maintained the characteristics of an immigrant church with Scotch-Irish roots, emphasized the Westminster Standards, used only the Psalms in public worship, was Sabbatarian, and was strongly abolitionist and anti-Catholic." (Wikipedia, 2011)

"The religious life of the neighborhood where the Hopkins lived in the Scotch Settlement in the southeast part of Almont Township, was centered around the United Presbyterian Church. This society was originated December 22, 1846, in the town of Bruce, a portion of its original members being residents of Almont. Previous to the organization of the society, services were held in a building erected by Dr. Neil Gray on his farm in the town of Bruce, missionaries having been sent from time to time to do this field of labor. In 1852 a church building was erected on what was the Morton farm (note: Thomas Morton's farm) about 3 miles farther north. The first church building was moved to the site of the farm buildings on the Gray farm and was used as a granary. The United Presbyterians had a flourishing society for years among the Scotch in Almont.

"If you had visited the church in those times you would have seem the congregation in their accustomed pews on a Sabbath morning. There were the families of McIlrick, Borland, Muir, Morton, Reid, Braidwood, Robertson, Hamilton, Gray, Millikin, Rowan, Cochrane, Wallace, McKail, Hopkin, and Woodburn. These I recall as regular attendants, but many slept in the churchyard before my time.

In the United States, during the pioneering years, the school house and the church stood side by side, education did not separate the secular from the religious. The Bible was in the classroom, in the church, and in the home. As we study the character of our Scottish relatives, the importance of the Bible cannot be understated. Besides the obvious spiritual importance of the Bible, it was responsible for the rise of literacy in the Western World. The Scottish, as a culture, nurtured religions (especially the Presbyterian) that emphasized the need for the common man to read the Bible for themselves, rather than have it interpreted. So, many of the individuals who immigrated from Scotland to America could read, long before literacy developed in other cultures.

"Until the mid-nineteenth century, only a small percentage of the world's population could read. Those who did traveled in religious, academic, or wealthy circles. At one time, scribbling your name at the bottom of a deed or a piece of paper deemed you "literate." Historically, degrees of literacy were measured by one's ability to read the Bible." (Ancestry, 2007)

The quote that begins this book tells how the Scots from the lowland region of Scotland had an unduly large impact on the history of Western Civilization. These people made a difference in every culture they immigrated into, whether it was Poland or Sweden or the United States. The reason they had such an impact globally was because they were literate.

The Bible gave our Scottish ancestors fluency and literacy, but it also made them (as time passed) more sophisticated. Ironically, the sacred text was the gateway into the secular worlds of Darwin (1809-1882), Nietzsche (1844-1900), Hegel (1770-1831), Mark Twain (1835-1910), Newton, Aristotle, Plato, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Shakespeare, Emily Dickinson, Ben Franklin, William James, Charlotte Bronte, William Blake, the entire unfolding of western thought since the printing press evolved in the 1400's.

Our Scottish ancestors lived at a time in history when there was a rich literature to draw from. There were newspapers and books in great numbers by the nineteenth century. The intellectual evolution of human beings had developed to a sophisticated level by the time the pioneer wagons first rolled onto Michigan soil.

The Bible was the main book our ancestors read, especially after working twelve to fourteen hard hours everyday on the farm. But the children of the Scottish Settlement grew up with literate parents, in an environment that expected that they too would be literate. Education, the ability to read, to learn about the world, was encouraged. Life got easier as years passed and so the children of the pioneers had time to read Mark Twain, Emerson, and Shakespeare. Many of those children went on to be leaders in the United States. As their ancestors, we need to deeply thank them for making us who we are today.

The first churches were serviced by itinerant ministers, "Circuit Riders" the Methodists called them. According to The History of Lapeer County (1884), the earliest itinerant minister in Metamora Township, where there was a small community of Scots, was the Reverend Robert McKay, a Presbyterian. The family name "McKay", of course, is a prominent surname in the Scottish Settlement.

In Metamora Township, the Presbyterian Church was called "The First Presbyterian of Farmers Creek." It was organized in 1838 and lasted for two years before inner conflict caused the demise of the original congregation. "Reverends Taylor and Isaac W. Ruggles organized a Congregational Church on the "gruins" of the Presbyterian Church." (Miller, 197?)

The Presbyterian Church in Pontiac was the second one established (1824) in Michigan. The pastor for the Pontiac Church was Isaac Ruggles. Not only did he minister to Pontiac families, but he reached out into adjoining counties, especially Macomb and Lapeer, to set up churches in those locations. Before 1844, as mentioned previously, there was a blending of Presbyterian and Congregational energies. Although Ruggles was the Presbyterian minister for Pontiac, the churches he set up in neighboring regions were Congregational. Ruggles was not entirely supportive of this joint venture and spent more time setting up Congregational churches than ministering to his Presbyterian flock. Because of this, he was relieved of his duties in 1826. Among his credits are churches in Romeo and Washington Townships in Macomb County, and the Congregational Church in the City of Lapeer.

Ruggles came and went from Pontiac, trying different religious callings, even in other States, but he always came back home; Pontiac was his base. He was active as a Congregationalist right up to his death at age 73, in 1857. That he was still active in Macomb and Lapeer is evident from the above reference to his involvement with the Presbyterian conflict in Metamora. It is no surprise then, after the conflict split the Scottish Presbyterians, that the church established from the ruins was Congregational. It is pure speculation, but given Ruggles reputation (see Comin and Fredsell, 1850, pages 31-32), he may have added to the fire that resulted in the conflict and eventual split between the Presbyterian brethren of the Scottish Settlement.

There is a paragraph in "Pioneer Families and History of Lapeer County, Michigan" that provides a date for the "organization of the society" (i.e. the Scottish Settlement), stating that it was centered in Almont and had the United Presbyterian Church at its heart. The Almont group was certainly a powerful magnet holding the families together for 40 years, but we cannot exclude the powerful community of Swedenborgian Scottish in Berlin Township, nor the influential founding fathers in Bruce. Nevertheless, the paragraph is important:

"The Scottish Settlement included parts of Bruce Township in Macomb County, but as settlement here (Almont Township, Lapeer County) increased it became more and more dominated by Almont families. It centered around the Presbyterian church. The society itself was organized December 22, 1846 in Bruce. However, in 1852 a church building was erected on Scotch Settlement Road, just north of the county line, with the cemetery just south of the church. The first pastor was the Reverend Andrew Irons who came in 1854. The Settlement grew, and he was succeeded by four pastors. The last regular pastor was the Reverend McCampbell who served about 25 years and retired in 1916. The church building was later sold and moved away about 1943." (Ellis, 1978)

The foundations of the Presbyterian church in the Scotch Settlement started with the reverend John Taylor in Bruce Township, Macomb County. Reverend Taylor was a pioneer, coming to Bruce in 1832. He held church services in his own house for the first few years, and then constructed (with neighbors) a small building on his property to house church services, as well as serve as a school.

"The Scotch Settlement was just being formed at this time, and they united with the people of Bruce, and, in July, 1833, a church was formed, of six persons as members, most of them bringing letters from churches to which they formerly belonged. Members were received into this church from Monroe County, New York; from East Hampton, Long Island, New York; from Old South Church, Boston; from Marlboro, New Hampshire; from Monroe, New York; and from Brighton, New York; and many from the Reformed Presbyterians, or Seceders, in Scotland. This church prospered under the ministrations of Mr. Taylor, and reached a membership of nearly eighty. . ." (Leeson, 1882)

There is a confusion in the history of the Presbyterian church in the settlement that I was unable to resolve. Early texts mention a Bruce Township Presbyterian Church, as well as the Metamora Township First Presbyterians of Farmers Creek. Might these be the same church? There was a general unrest between the New England pioneers and the Scotch reformed pioneers (arriving from Scotland in the 1830s and 40s) about this time in history, so it is possible that the same type of conflict arose in two separate churches. Otherwise, it seems more likely that there was the original church in Metamora that was called the Bruce Church.

In 1836, a split arose in the Bruce Township church. A large proportion of the church members came from New England; they were American pioneers. Many probably had Scottish ancestry, but they had American identities and habits. The other group of church members were recently arrived from Scotland. Each group had a different idea of the correct way for a church to operate. (Leeson, 1882)

"Added to this was the fact that the Scotch brethren clung with great tenacity to the use of the Psalms rendered in rhyme for church music, and objected to the employment of any instrument of music in the church. These differences began to be talked about and agitated, until at last two or more of the Scotch brethren brought the whole matter to an issue by demanding a dismissal and a letter of recommendation. The grounds for complaint was clothed in the following language:

A meeting was called to work through the differences, but it failed to solve the conflict. Eventually the split widened between the New England families and the Scottish families until a time came when the Scots simply left the Bruce church and reorganized themselves in Almont Township, in Lapeer County. The Bruce church eventually faded away (as Presbyterian), while the Scotch Settlement church prospered for many years on Scotch Settlement Road in Almont.

First, from the quote above: "The Scotch Settlement was just being formed at this time, and they united with the people of Bruce, and, in July, 1833, a church was formed . . ." This seems to suggest that the Bruce Township families were being drawn into the Scotch Settlement in 1833 and not that they were the founding location of the community.

This shows that the Settlement was considered to be in Almont, not Bruce (Macomb Co.), Berlin (St Clair Co.), Metamora (Lapeer Co.) or Armada (Lapeer Co.). Almont was the epicenter, with pockets of related Scottish families living in the other townships.

That these other pockets of Scottish pioneers (those outside Almont), were often referred to as "living in the Scottish Settlement" can be observed in other historical references, like this sentence about Bruce pioneer and Scotsman Thomas McIlwrick:

"A search of Hall's Index of American Presbyterian Congregations yielded three possible churches (relevant to your research): Bruce Presbyterian Church in Almont, Michigan; Bruce United Presbyterian Church in Almont, Michigan; and First Presbyterian Church in Lapeer, Michigan. "According to Hall's Index, Bruce Presbyterian Church in Almont, Michigan, was first reported by the Michigan Presbytery, Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. (Old School) in 1849, and was dissolved or dropped from roll in 1862"According to Hall's Index, the First Presbyterian Church in Lapeer, Michigan, was first reported by the Detroit Presbytery in 1836. "The congregation changed denominations to the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. (New School) in 1838. The congregation changed denominations to the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. in 1870.

This nice bit of research, shows that The First Presbyterian Church in the County of Lapeer was established officially in 1836. The seeds of this church must have been Reverend Taylor's congregation mentioned above as meeting in 1833. The split in the church came in 1836 and two new entities were established, one in Almont, the other in Bruce. It is not clear from the Presbyterian Historical Society research why it took until the 1840's for the two churches to becomes officially named and recognized. It is also not clear which of the churches was in Bruce, since both are said to be "in Almont".

The split in the Presbyterian church that happened in the Scottish Settlement could very well have been a part of a larger, national schism. In the late 1830s, the Presbyterian church divided into two camps, called "Old School Presbyterianism" and "New School Presbyterianism". The roots of this division go back to 1801 and a "Plan of Union".

The Plan of Union combined the congregational and presbyterian churches in America into a force that would, it was hoped, effectively spread Christianity throughout the frontier as it pushed ever westward. The result of the Plan of Union however was a mixture of governing strategies and churches that blended various doctrines taken from either of the sects. Ministers were at odds with their flock, conflicts and dissatisfaction bubbled over, and union became disharmony over the years.

"In sum, Old School Presbyterians believed that the Plan of Union had compromised the polity and theology of their church. After several years of failing to receive an adequate response from the General Assembly, Old Schoolers found themselves to be in the majority at the 1837 Assembly. They took matters into their own hands and terminated their awkward cooperation with the Congregationalists." (Hart and Muether, 2005)

Essentially, the Old School wanted the church to be independent of social reform. It was also an opposition to changes within the church. The New School was about the churches role in the society of America and a shift away from old doctrine to "modern" views. The New School felt the church ought to promote moral reforms such as temperance and the abolition of slavery. That is one reason the Old School was adopted in the south, while the New School was championed in the north.

The New England members of the Bruce Township Scotch Settlement Presbyterian Church were probably New School. Our ancestors, fresh from the Presbyterian state church of Scotland, were probably Old School. They did not want any alterations in the governing structure of the church; they did not desire or appreciate any changes to rituals and traditions, they didn't agree with changes in Calvinistic doctrines.

We can't know the complexity of individual thought, we are not privy to the debate that raged throughout the decade of the 1830s, but we do have the evidence that our Scottish ancestors left the Bruce church because they didn't care for the unusual (ungodly) practice of singing on Sabbath evenings, felt the congregation used the wrong (improper, non-traditional) hymns, and because the "New School" Presbyterians were messing with the duration of the Sabbath. In other words, the Presbyterian Church in America had evolved, morphed into something different than what it had originally been in Scotland. Our ancestors brought the Old School with them, only to confront New Englanders who had redefined the church (and were continuing to do so).

The split between old school and new school had even older historical roots. In the 1700s, churches were facing an evolution in human thought and energy called "The Age of Enlightenment" (also called "The Age of Reason"). Church congregations found themselves with members embracing the energy of the Enlightenment and other members opposing the incursion of logic into the spirit of religion. "The Great Awakening" was the name given to the movement opposed to The Enlightenment. Particular to the Presbyterian church, the two views were labeled "new side" for members wanting to embrace reason (change, evolution) and "old side" for those resisting (to them, unnecessary) change. This new side, old side division morphed into new school, old school a few decades down the road.

"What historians call "the first Great Awakening" can best be described as a revitalization of religious piety that swept through the American colonies between the 1730s and the 1770s. That revival was part of a much broader movement, an evangelical upsurge taking place simultaneously on the other side of the Atlantic, most notably in England, Scotland, and Germany. In all these Protestant cultures during the middle decades of the eighteenth century, a new Age of Faith rose to counter the currents of the Age of Enlightenment, to reaffirm the view that being truly religious meant trusting the heart rather than the head, prizing feeling more than thinking, and relying on biblical revelation rather than human reason." (Heyrman, 2011)

"About the year 1840, there arrived in the Scotch Settlement, southwest of Almont, a new family - - William and Jean Downie Hamilton of Paisley, Scotland. Their enthusiastic letters home brought other newcomers, who were members of the Church of the New Jerusalem or New Church in Paisley. Not all of them came to live in the Scotch Settlement, some going to Capac and other nearby communities. Besides the Hamilton's, there were such names as Morton, Allan, Brink, Robb, Ives, McClaughlin, Reid, McGeorge, Robertson, and many others. These families soon formed a society in their new country. About 1870, after the Civil War, the little group slowly increased their numbers and they began to think of a chapel. It was erected on land given by Mr. and Mrs. Hugh Reid at the intersection of Tubspring and Cameron Roads in Berlin Township in St. Clair County. Services were conducted by Missionary ministers visiting the State and by lay readers in the society. (Eunice Hamilton, memoir)

As I studied the Berlin Township Church in St. Clair County, I became fascinated with the Swedenborgian community of Scots. Here was a community clearly defined around a unique church. They called it "The New Church" because it was not a sect that split off from Protestant or Catholic doctrines; it was a new way to think about Christianity.

"For though we have precisely the same Bible, our understanding of it is (totally) different from the universally prevailing one... And although we alike believe in a God, a spiritual world, a Heaven and a Hell, a Resurrection and Judgement (etc.); yet our understanding . . . is widely different . . ." (Field, 1879)

"Deeply impressed with the Writings of Emanuel Swedenborg... they sought the wisest means of aiding the declared mission of their great teacher; confidently persuaded that they were not originating a new sect, or proclaiming a new religion of human invention, but were the humble promulgators of a New Dispensation of Christianity to the world." (Hindmarsch, 1861)

". . . Swedenborg should not be regarded as the "founder" or "reformer" of a religion, in the manner of Martin Luther (1483-1546), John Calvin (1509-1564), or John Wesley (1702-1791), Swedenborg's contemporary. He did not give public lectures on his spiritual experiences, revise the Christian liturgy, or start a theological school. Rather, he was content to do as he believed God had instructed him: to publish his books with the confidence that their spiritual message would find a ready audience within the existing church, and beyond. He believed that readers of his books would use the message they contained to create a truly new kind of Christianity." (Rose, 2005)

"For more than two hundred years, numerous individuals . . . accepted some portion of his theological insights yet . . . remained . . . in other faith traditions. Swedenborg's beliefs have served as leaven for Roman Catholics, Anglicans/Episcopalians, Lutherans, Methodists, . . . Quakers, Unitarians, Mennonites, and even . . . Mormons and Christian Scientists, to name a few. His influence within Christianity, particularly his descriptions of heaven, hell, spiritual growth, and the soul after death, is beyond measure." (Rose, 2005)

"Mr. Field has established beyond the power of contradiction, that the Bible is written in a peculiar language, which was transmitted from God to man, through nature; and in the language of nature itself; and hence the most pure of all languages. This fact he not only proves by the Bible's own authority, but by ancient and profane history. (Field, 1879)

Reverend Field, perhaps the father of The New Church in Michigan (my suggestion), was following the visionary voice of Emanuel Swedenborg who wrote that the Old Testament was written in an archaic, symbolic language, and should therefore not be understood literally.

"These . . . revelations . . . were made by, and through, a human instrument . . . We believe that instrument was Emanuel Swedenborg, whose writings bear the fullest and clearest evidence of his mission . . . The advent of this church was foretold... in the 21st chapter of the New Jerusalem as descending from God out of Heaven . . . We believe this church will be the crown of all the preceding Churches, and will endure forever. "(Field, 1879)

Emanuel Swedenborg was such an important historical and religious character that it would be remiss if we did not discuss his contributions. He influenced an entire generation of artists and intellectuals in the late 1700 and early 1800s. Here are some quotes taken from the"New Church"website:

"I acknowledge my profound indebtedness to Emanuel Swedenborg for a richer interpretation of the Bible, a deeper understanding of Christianity, and a precious sense of the divine presence in the world. His message has meant so much to me. It has given color and reality and unity to my thought of the life to come; it has exalted my ideas of love, truth and usefulness; it has been my strongest incitement to overcome limitations. Swedenborg's Divine Love and Wisdom is a fountain of life I am always happy to be near." Helen Keller

"I admire Swedenborg as a great scientist and a great mystic at the same time. His life and work has always been of great interest to me and I read about seven fat volumes of his writings when I was a medical student." Dr. Carl Gustav Jung

"Swedenborg bridges the gap between the Renaissance and the era ushered in by Newton... What is it in science that causes a man of his exalted type to stretch out intellectual tentacles from the tangible to the intangible, to interpret the cosmos as a divine creation with an ability that even leaders in theology find it hard to match? Apparently there comes a time in the evolution of a profound mind when the science is only a method of approaching the cosmos, that it gives no more than a skeleton of what we call reality. To clothe that skeleton with living tissue, to give it meaning, to answer the question, 'Why am I here?' is the business of the poet, the priest, the mystic. Swedenborg was all three. No wonder that in middle life he became a seer. It was but an aspect in the natural evolution of a man who was at once a great scientist and a great spirit." The New York Times

In America, poets Whitman and Emerson were avid followers of Swedenborg; much of the movement that they inspired took ideas and direction from the writings of The New Church. Henry James senior, the father of Psychologist William James and novelist Henry James was perhaps the strongest proponent of Swedenborg in the 1800s in America. As small as the New Church was in the world in the 1800s, the impact of the teachings went deeply into the core of American philosophy and art.

When the greatest minds of a civilization stand up to speak with such eloquence about a fellow human being, it catches our attention in a powerful manner. What is it that Emanuel Swedenborg did that caused such an upheaval within the creative community of Western Civilization.

As a retired school teacher from Saginaw, Michigan, I am pretty sure I am not in the best position to make sweeping historical assertions at this high level (or get much credibility!). On the other hand, I find that my path through life has passed through some doors that put me in a curious position to make a few observations. My education and occupational experience gave me a strong interest and modest expertise in the human brain, it's evolution and capabilities. This obsession, to understand the normal and the abnormal brain, took me down many avenues. Eventually, I became fascinated with the evolution of human consciousness. This led me to the Monroe Institute in the Blue Ridge Mountains of Virginia.

The Monroe Institute is a center for the exploration of consciousness, meditation, spiritualism, psychic ability, and most significantly, the exploration of out-of-body experiences. Robert Monroe, the founder of the Monroe Institute, wrote about his curious, at times frightening, journeys that happened when he was in a zone between sleep and wakefulness, called the hypnagogic state.

Saints and seers have used this between-sleep mode to generate their visions. Pre-cognition, astro-projection, religious conversions, and all manner of psychic capability seem to manifest in this level of consciousness. It is not my place to pass judgement on this observation. The little personal experience I have with the state is enough for me to know that the perceptions are not only real, but clearer and more powerful (strange) than waking consciousness routinely provides. There is no doubt that powerful insights, often accompanied by voices and images are"real" in this state of awareness.

Emanuel Swedenborg knew how to tap into the hypnagogic level of consciousness. He got very good at entering this worldly realm. As a very religious man, coming from a family, a culture, and a time in history, when Christianity was a fundamental thread of existence, his journeys "out-of-body" manifested as Christian. He went to Heaven and he visited Hell. When he got back from these remarkable journeys, he wrote it all down, what he had seen and what he had heard.

The experience told him that Christianity had to evolve; that a new church was to be created based upon a higher evolution of human consciousness. In perhaps his most famous book, Arcana Coelestia (Heavenly Mysteries), Swedenborg says:

"It may therefore be stated in advance that of the Lord's Divine mercy it has been granted me now for some years to be constantly and uninterruptedly in company with spirits and angels, hearing them speak and in turn speaking with them. In this way it has been given me to hear and see wonderful things in the other life which have never before come to the knowledge of any man, nor into his idea. I have been instructed in regard to the different kinds of spirits; the state of souls after death; hell, or the lamentable state of the unfaithful; heaven, or the blessed state of the faithful; and especially in regard to the doctrine of faith which is acknowledged in the universal heaven . . ." (Swedenborg, 1857)

The power of hypnagogic imagery seems to move civilization forward, to challenge the status quo, to provide insights into new possibilities for the evolution of human society and for the evolution of consciousness. This resonates with Jung's archetypes, with Blake's paintings and poetry, with the entire world of the artist. Hypnagogic imagery is a language of the intuitive brain, where fountains of wisdom and compassion bubble upward into consciousness. It is no wonder that poets, writers, painters, and great thinkers of an age, could sense and appreciate the powerful messages that Swedenborg brought back from his out-of-body experiences.

"Out of the wealth of influences . . . there was one theme of Swedenborg's works that had an impact on virtually all . . . individuals and movements: his often-stated insistence that what makes people most human is their willingness to turn away from the limitations of self- to love one another, and to show that love by serving society." (Rose, 2005)

Our purpose on earth is to serve others. To make the world a better place. To care, to love, that is Heaven's mandate according to Swedenborg. Human life is not an exercise in self-advancement. Our goal is to locate the passion within us, to summon our willpower and intent for the betterment of other people.

"The greatest workers for the race- scientists, poets, and artists who possess all their faculties- are at times shaken with a mighty cry of the soul, a longing more fully to bring forth the energy, the fire, and the richness of imagination and human impulse that over-burden them. What wonder, then, that we with our limited senses and more humble powers should crave wider range and scope of usefulness?" (Keller, 2000)

Swedenborg's illumination (as it was called) did not happen until he was fifty six years old. His burst of expression, the many volumes of works that poured from his enlightened mind (Balzac called him "The Buddha of the North"), came after this transformation. He wrote the sixteen volume tome Arcana Coelestia when he was sixty. He published and lectured right up until his death (which he accurately predicted). The last volume of his works came out when he was eighty two. (Reed, 1880)Judging from the Internet, the Swedenborgian community still thrives, and interest in Swedenborg himself is as strong as it ever was- maybe stronger. The church in Berlin Township still survives, with youthful leadership, fully aware of its magic heritage. The preservation of this heritage is a responsibility of our time and our community. It is no small matter (of pride and history), that this church still graces the landscape of southeastern Michigan. The Berlin Township chapel remains a beacon of spiritual The preservation of this heritage is a responsibility of our time and our community. It is no small matter (of pride and history), that this church still graces the landscape of southeastern Michigan. The Berlin Township chapel remains a beacon of spiritual energy that has survived 250 years beyond Swedenborg's death.

Reverend Jennifer Tafel is the current minister of the New Church in Lansing ( in 2011), Michigan. She also oversees the Berlin Township Church in St. Clair County. Reverend Tafel's personal ancestry includes Rudolph L. Tafel (1831-1893), the important historian who went to Sweden in 1869 to make photolithographs of Swedenborg's original documents. R. L. Tafel also published "Documents Concerning the Life and Character of Emanuel Swedenborg" (published 1875-1877) and was a professor at Washington University in St Louis Missouri.

What happened over the hundred years, from Swedenborg's death in 1772, to the construction of the chapel in Berlin Township in 1875? What was the evolution that moved Swedenborg's visionary thoughts from Sweden to Europe, to Great Britain, to the United States, to Michigan, and finally to the Scottish Settlement in St. Clair County?

In general, the New Church spread throughout the Western World because Swedenborg traveled, discussed his insights with the most respected minds of his day, and published books throughout Europe, but especially in London, a city that was a publishing (intellectual) center of Western Civilization in the seventeen and eighteen hundreds. His visionary experiences, that instructed him to create a new Christianity and to become a missionary for this work, began when he was living in London. From London it spread throughout England, reaching Scotland, North America, and into St. Clair County, Michigan in about 1840.

The year 1744 was the beginning of Swedenborg's visionary experiences and the beginning of his recording and publishing his revelations. (Benz, 1948) He remained in London for the rest of his life, returning occasionally to his summer home in Sweden, and traveling to Amsterdam frequently.

The Church of the New Jerusalem was officially founded in England in 1778 (six years after Swedenborg's death), and then was introduced six years later in the United States, in 1784. The Swedenborg Society (London, England) was established in 1810 to publish translations, maintain a library of his works, and sponsor presentations and forums- it still exists today. According to Ednah Silver, in her book "Sketches of the New Church in America", it was a Scotsman, James Glen, who was the "torchbearer for the New Church" in America. Glen was born about 1750 in Glasgow; he came to America in 1784 on a Bible mission, "to save God's Word by upholding its interior symbolic claim". (Silver, 1920) Glen advertised in three Philadelphia newspapers and then gave his first lecture on June 5, 1784 at Bell's bookstore, near St Paul's Church, on Third Street in Philadelphia. Here is an excerpt from one of the advertisements:

"The honourable Emanuel Swedenborg, the wonderful restorer of this long lost secret, thro the Devine Mersy, for the last twenty-nine years of his life had the most free and open Intercourse with Spirits and Angels and was thus taught this Science of Heaven. From his invaluable Writings, and Conversations with gentlemen who have studied them, the Discourser hopes to convey some Idea and Taste of this Science to the wise and to the good of every denomination." (Silver, 1920)

"During the voyage, James Glen read the book and was astonished at the new truths which it revealed to him. He later declared that the day he read the book was the happiest of his life. His ability to read the book in the original Latin version, shows him to have been a man of some education." (Gill, 1998)

In London, five men had gathered to study the works of Swedenborg. These men were the founders of The New Church. After James Glen arrived in London, December 1793, he saw an advertisement placed by these men inviting those interested to join them. Glen attended the meeting and eventually became a respected member.

When Glen left London to return to South America in 1784, he took a northerly route that landed him in Philadelphia. He had with him several English translations of books by Swedenborg. After dropping the first spiritual seeds of the New Church on American soil, Glen left for South America. After he had left Philadelphia, a box of Swedenborg's books came for him from London. These books were sold at auction and ended up in the possession of Mr. And Mrs. Bailey and a friend Mrs. Barclay.

"These three people warmly embraced the new truths which they discovered in the books. Others soon joined them and the first new Church group in North America was born. So we have the strange situation of James Glen, the Scotsman, having taken knowledge of the New Church to the New World, before it came to his native Scotland!" (Gill, 1998)

After Glen passed from the scene, Francis Bailey (1744 to 1817) and his wife Eleanor Miller took up the banner of the New Church in America. Bailey was the official printer to the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania and to the United States Congress; he made good use of his skills and position to support the New Church in America. Bailey published "A Summary of the Heavenly Doctrines" in 1787, and "The True Christian Religion"(a series of documents) begun in 1789. The children of the Bailey's carried on the work of growing the New Church after their parents died. Thanks to the memoirs of Reverend George Field (Field, 1879), we can trace one major path from New York to Michigan. Reverend Fields writes:

". . . My first acquaintance with its members was in the city of New York in the year 1836, at which time I was received as a member of the Society meeting for worship in the chapel on Pearl Street. There were then about a dozen persons, mostly English members of the New Church who used to occasionally meet socially at the house of Mr. Purcell or Mr. Slade, on a Sunday afternoon or evening, and talk over the affairs of the church, and our duties in relation to it; but we had no hired room or any kind of public meetings.

"In the Fall of the following year, I left Long Island with the intention of going to Illinois; but upon my arrival in Detroit, November 5, 1838, I found that all the steamboats for Chicago were laid up for the winter; and there was no railroad going west further than Ypsilanti (27 miles); I concluded to remain in Detroit until the Spring. At this time I did not know of a single receiver of the New Church Doctrines in that city, nor indeed in the whole State; but Mrs. Dorr must at that time have been living at Springwells, in the vicinity of the city; and there were perhaps in all a half dozen professed believers in the Doctrines in Michigan. (Field, 1879)

The New Church in Berlin Township had a mother church in Paisley; Scotland; Paisley is just a few miles west of Glasgow. I was fortunate to correspond with Reverend Robert Gill, the current pastor of the Paisley Church. Reverend Gill wrote a book "The New Jerusalem Church in Scotland 1798-1998", which adds much needed perspective on the migration of the New Church to Michigan. The following quote comes from a chapter of his book about the Paisley Church; it suggests that there were New Church members in Detroit from a very early date.

"As any document with reference to the New Church in Paisley prior to 1860 have been lost, the origins of the Paisley Society are by no means easy to chart. Any early history we have about Paisley is gathered from recollections of members and other sources. It would appear that a small group of some eleven readers existed (in Paisley) as early as 1807. This small group suffered a serious setback in 1808 when the thread industry in Paisley was experiencing a period of depression and several of the group emigrated to the neighborhood of Detroit where they set up a Society of the New Church." (Gill, 2011)

It appears that the founders of the New Church in Detroit were there long before the Society was established. Reverend Field's remarks (Field, 1879) that "there were perhaps in all a half dozen professed believers in the Doctrines in Michigan", may be referring to these original Paisley New Church pioneers who left Scotland before 1810.

Reverend Field moved to the Battle Creek/Marshall area. When he was living there (after about 18 months) he got word that a New Church congregation had formed back in Detroit. The Reverend Holland Weeks had visited Detroit and while there on August 25, 1839, with seven others, established a New Church Society. By August 1842, this first attempt at anchoring the New Church in Detroit had dissolved, all the original members had died or left the city. Only the Dorr family remained in the vicinity. One of the seven signers of the 1839 document that established the New Church in Detroit was Susan Dorr, an important figure in the development of the New Church. Reverent Susan M. H. Dorr, along with her husband Josiah Dorr, was a long time member of the Boston Society. The two of them were in the Detroit area when Reverend Field arrived in 1838.

"Mrs. Josiah (Susan M. H.) Dorr, long a member of the Boston Society, contributed, with her husband, a valuable element in Michigan New-Church life. Their opulent home with surrounding grounds in the suburbs of Detroit was a place for religious gatherings, a centre for social life, and a warm sheltere for Rev George Field's little children when suddenly made motherless." (Silver, 1920)

Reverend Field was lecturing across Michigan, Illinois, and Indiana, spreading the news about the New Church; this was in the early 1840's. He got the news about his wife's illness when he was all the way down in St Louis. He started for home immediately.

"I arrived in Chicago on Tuesday afternoon, March 21st (1843), stayed over night . . . and next morning proceeded on my way, and on Thursday reached Edwardsburg, where I received another letter informing me that my wife was dead! . . . I arrived (home) March 25, 1843, at half past nine. I found strangers living in my house, my three little children scattered into as many families and all of us without any home." (Field, 1879)

". . .I therefore wrote my acceptance of their call to the Ministry, and to become their Missionary. Still the means provided for doing this were not particularly encouraging. Here was a range of country for me to visit, from East to West; i.e., from Detroit to Chicago; and by cross country routes often without any stages, from Goshen Indiana to the heavily timbered lands of Livingston and adjoining Counties in Michigan. And thus traveling, my three little children, now motherless, the oldest only eight years old, and the youngest only a year and a half, had to be put out to board . . ." (Field, 1879)

In 1844, the Dorr family made Reverend Field an offer that he accepted. He was to base his operations in Detroit and be supported by a small group of Detroit families. Field renegotiated his arrangement with the Albion families, agreeing to lecture there and at other locations, but with the understanding that his mission was based in Detroit. From this group, in January, 1848, The Society of the New Church was started anew with Reverent Field as minister. It is at this point in history that we discover the first threads that link the Berlin Township New Church community to the greater Michigan family of Swedenborgians.

"Subsequently, on the occasion of a Missionary visit to this region (Berlin Township New Church) by Reverend Jabez Fox; they instituted themselves into a society, (after the English and Scottish manner,) consisting of 17 persons; and Mr. Fox administered the Holy Supper to them; but they never united with the (Detroit) Association. This was on Sunday, June 30th, 1850. Mr. J. Marshall was elected Leader." (Field, 1879)

Reverend Field and Reverend Fox were based in Detroit, Michigan when the Allan and Hamilton families, pioneers in the Scottish Settlement, first came to St. Clair County. The Allan and Hamilton families had been members of the New Church Society in Paisley, Scotland, and they, along with the Marshalls and Mortons were instrumental to the migration of Swedenborgian thought from Scotland to Michigan.

"Janet (Gardiner) Allan was born in Scotland, April 12, 1816, and died January 20, 1904; in 1836 she was married to John Allan, of Glasgow, where their first child Jessie, was born in 1840. In 1842 they came to America, and settled in the township of Berlin, St Clair County, Michigan.

"After marriage, Janet lived in Glasgow where her husband had a feed and provisions store. John Allan had a good friend living in the same building as he and Janet, a man named Hamilton. Mr. and Mrs. Hamilton belonged to the New Church, a Christian community that followed theteachings of Emanuel Swedenborg. Janet Allan remembers seeing a book on a stand at the Hamilton's. The book was called "Heaven and the Wonders with a description of Hell, from things seen and heard". Her first reaction was shock that anyone would dare write about such subjects.Over time, Janet Allan became more and more interested in the New Church and eventually she and John joined.

"Janet Allan attended Mr. Goyder's church (Reverend D. G. Goyder), and got books from him to read after that, till Mr. Hamilton and John Allan made up their minds to go to Australia, and had their passages all taken out to go by the next steamer; but Janet and Mrs. Hamilton felt so bad about going so far away, and Janet always had a fear of water, so one day while she was crying about it she said to John, "If it was only to America I would not say a word against it." She had an uncle who had moved to Tennessee, but she never saw or heard from him again after coming over. So John asked Mr. Hamilton what he thought about coming to America, seeing the women were so against Australia. Mr. Hamilton said "I don't know but we will look it up." So after finding out what they could about it, they exchanged their passages to America,- Mr. Hamilton sailing at the appointed time, but, owing to some business needing to be looked after, John and Janet Allan did not come for a year after. They came direct to Detroit, and from there to Berlin, where Mr. Hamilton's sons still own the old homestead. After arriving in Berlin Township, Janet Allan went to Detroit to be Baptized by the Reverend George Field of the New Church.

"Scottish immigrants from Glasgow settled in Berlin Township in 1841. Ten years later (1851), twenty four of them founded the Almont Society of the New Church. They followed the teachings of Emmanuel Swedenborg (1688 to 1772) a Swedish mathematician, philosopher, and scientist whose Christian theological writings form the basis of the New Church. In 1875, members donated labor, materials, and money to build this chapel, designed by church member William Morton.

In a letter copied for this research, Betty Hill (presumably from the Berlin New Church congregation), wrote to Charles Cotman, a Historian at the Historic Sites Unit, Bureau of History, Michigan Department of State, February 21, 1985, and listed the twenty four original founders of the Berlin Township Swedenborgian Church. I added the maiden names of the women (editors note). The twenty four founding members of the Almont Society, 1851 were as follows:

1-3 . . . William and Jean (Downie) Hamilton, and their son William, age 19.

5 . . . John and Janet (Spiers) Marshall.

6-11 . . . John and Jessie (Gardiner) Allan, and Mr. Allan's four sisters, who came from Scotland with him. "The four Allan sisters who came from Scotland with John Allan and his wife Janet were Elizabeth, Margaret, Marion, and Jean. Elizabeth married John Muir, Margaret married Glaspie Muir, Jean married David McCollum. There was a fifth sister, Jessie Allan, who came to the settlement at a later date." (Tvorik, 2011)

12-16 . . . William and Elizabeth (Buchanan) Morton, and their grown children, William D., John, and Margaret. William L. Morton and Elizabeth (Buchanan) come to New York, July 10, 1848, with their three children. They came on the ship Madawasa, after sailing from Glasgow.

17-18 . . . Samuel Robb and wife Catherine Millikin.

19-20 . . . Hugh Reid and wife Jennette Robb

21-22 . . . John Robertson and wife Mary A. ?

23-24 . . . (Horatio) Nelson Dodge and wife Sarah Jane Lee (?)

Notice the inter-relationships of Scotch Settlement families. From the document above, we can say with assurance that the following families were either inter-related or neighbors (friends): Marshalls; Hamiltons; Mortons; Reids, Robbs; Dodges; Ives; Millikins; Robertsons; Allans; Downies; Muirs; and McCollums. We can add the Cameron family to this list because they were neighbors to these Glasgow New Church settlers; the Swedenborg chapel is on Cameron Road (because the Cameron homestead was alongside the road). John Marshall was married to Janet Spiers. Back in Scotland David Spiers was a founding member of the New Church in Paisley. Janet was probably his daughter.

Samuel Robb's parents are Samuel Robb 1788-1855 (in Berlin for the 1850 census living with the Reids), and Marrion Morton (1791-1840, she died before the 1850 census). Marrion is a member of the Craigie Mortons and she ties many of these people together.

"The Reids gave the land for the building (chapel), and the Marshall's gave the land for the dormitories in 1899" (Ford, newspaper clipping, unknown date) "Grandma Allan gave her money from the children for a much needed well, and the Almont New Church Summer School was on its way!" . . . Mary Ann Robertson gave the money to buy a two acre field just across the road, west of the church from the Cameron's . . ."(Hamilton, 1961) Thanks to documents sent to me by Reverend Robert Gill, Scotland, we know that William L. Morton was a key member of the New Church in Paisley, Scotland before coming to Berlin Township. In Berlin, he was also a key member of the church. "The leader of the Paisley group was William Morton, although how he came in contact with the doctrines is uncertain. Meetings were held at his home situated at 15 Saucel and it is recorded that the group was greatly encouraged by a visit from Robert Hindmarsch while on a lecture tour of Scotland. In a letter written to the Conference Missionary Committee date 28th November, 1818, Mr Joseph Kennis of Glasgow writes: "A small Society has been formed in Paisley . . . at which Mr. William Morton has been appointed leader."

"It appears that William Morton (born about 1796) was a very young man at this time (1818) for he continued to be a leading spirit in the group for many years and it is largely thanks to his efforts that the New Church cause began and continued in Paisley during the difficult early years. . . "

"In 1832, the Paisley Society consisted of twelve members of whom seven were added during the year. In addition to William Morton, other leaders were David Gilmour, David Speirs, James John Marshall, and a Mr Ronald. They are described as being young men, neither greatly experienced nor favored with a superabundance of this worlds goods; but they had faith, and the courage of their convictions and thus equipped were able to overcome the numerous obstacles which presented themselves."

Two of William L. Morton's siblings also came to America and lived in the Scotch Settlement. In Almont, Lapeer County, one of the founders of the Presbyterian Church on Scotch Settlement Road was Thomas Morton. T(homas and his neighbors organized the United Presbyterian Society in 1846 and built a church and cemetery on land Thomas and his wife (Jean Millikin Morton) donated. The deed shows Thomas and Jean sold land to the Presbyterian Society on 18 April 1853 for $1.00- a bargain even in those days. The deed describes the land as "in the town of Almont, Lapeer County Michigan . . . and acre more or less to be used for the site of a church edifice" and makes provision "that the church edifice should be used for a ministry in agreement with the majority of members of the religious society in Almont and Bruce." (Adler, 2010).

The Marshalls, Allans, Reeds (Reids), and Hamiltons, all sailed to America in either 1841 or 1842. These families were pioneers in the Berlin Township New Church. . . Thomas was William's Mortons younger brother. Their sister Elizabeth B. Morton, also lived and died in the Settlement.

"There were further trails for the small Society. In 1842, another serious trade depression hit Paisley (and Scotland). At this time there were fifteen members of the Society and about half of these were obliged to emigrate to the United States of America to seek work there. These emigrants appear to have kept together and formed the nucleus of the Society at Almont in Michigan. To this day there remains a New Church Assembly and Retreat Centre in Almont (a a similar type of centre to our Purley Chase)." (Gill, 2011)

Later, I discovered Reverend James H. Morton, a key figure in the Methodist church in Macomb County. Three Mortons, all instrumental in creating three different denominations of Christian church! Later, I realized that other families were spilt into allegiances to either the Swedenborgians or the Presbyterians. The Reids and the Hamiltons, for example, (as well as the Mortons) had family members who were instrumental in forming both churches.

In 1915, John Paton (1843 to 1922) wrote a short history of his life. Like all the Paton children, he is articulate and thorough. I will reproduce the memoir below (except his war memories which are quoted in the Civil War section earlier), and then use his comments on religion to expand the story.

I was born in Galston, Ayrshire, Scotland, on Friday, April 7, 1843. I remember my native village and many of its places of special interest to a boy- the school, the churches, the "Old Barr" which was used for a prison, and on one side had a place to play ball against the wall, the mill and the sawmill, the "Burn Ann" and the "Irvine River" where we used to "guddle" and bathe, and many other places, and last, the "Kirkyard," where my mother was laid. All these and other places were revived in my memory when I visited there in 1897.

I remember my mother quite well. She was one of the many victims of Asiatic Cholera. She died on January 21, 1849, when I was nearly six years of age. The first distinct memory I have of mother is in connection with an incident in June 1848. There was a flood of water, caused by a "water-spout," or "cloud-burst," in the moors. It came down the stream, called "Burn Ann," near our home. We lived in one end of the house, and father had a "Flesh Shop" at the other end, with a narrow passage between them. Attracted by the flood, she had left me asleep on a bed in the living room. Waking up, and seeing that I was alone in the room, I cried. Mother heard me and came running in, picked me up, and ran with me in her arms through the narrow passage to the back window of the meat market, where were father and two or three others; and looking out of the window, I saw the raging waters sweep the ledges of the stone bridge, and fill the house on the other side of the stream with water. It seems as clear in my mind as if it had happened a short time ago.

In connection with the flood, I remember an old woman ("Granny Lethum,"), who lived in the garrett of a low house the window of which was about on a level with father's shop window. There was fear that the old house might be carried away by the waters, and someone brought a ladder, and on it she crept over from her window to ours. Before this I was afraid of this old woman, having heard someone speak of her as a witch; but from that time my fear was gone. I remember thinking she was just like other people, only she was old, and wore a white cap, or "mutch".

I loved my mother, but have always had one unpleasant memory of her. One day I came home from school for my dinner. Mother was very busy, and she gave me money to go to Logan's bakery and get a "scone" for lunch. I got it, and being hungry, I quickly ate it. On my way home, a grocer's boy (Alex Roxborough) gave me two apples., and I hastened home to share with my mother. She asked me how I got the apples, and I told her the truth; but she did not believe me, thinking I had bought them; and she whipped me for disobedience and lying. I do not remember what became of the apples; but I do remember thinking that another time I would eat the apples, and not tell her anything about it. I have thought since, that likely "Mother was too tired."

I began going to school in February when I was almost four years of age. Mr. Kilgour, the teacher, had asked mother to send me; but I fought hard against going the first day. My brother David literally forced me there; but after that I was more than willing to go. I like my first teacher, and a Mr. Taylor, who followed him. My last teacher was Mr. Robert McDonald. I did not like him so well; he whipped me freely. When I saw him still teaching there, forty-five years later (in 1897), he said they had "learned a better way." With a few short breaks, because of children's diseases, I went five years to school in Scotland.

My father and mother belonged to a Church called "New Testament Disciples," and they went to Newmilns, two miles away to their meetings. I enjoyed these Sunday walks with the family. I did not then know why they were isolated; but that was the result of a course of Bible study, which no doubt affected the later life of their children.

I remember seeing mother put in her coffin, and carried away with but little ceremony to the churchyard which was just across the street. I saw that the older ones were very sad and I was sad too; but I did not then realize what it all meant. My father took the terrible disease but he refused to take the doctor's remedy taking cathartic instead —and recovered; and he afterward told us that we had a narrow escape from going to the poorhouse.

Soon after my mother's death, my father married her sister. We had been in the habit of calling her "Lizzie." They tried to have me call her "Mother," but I said: "She is not my mother;" and I never called her mother till I came home on furlough in 1865. I think she appreciated the change. I think she was a good mother to us all, and (we) learned to love her.

My father had for many years been anxious to emigrate to the United States. He brought his family to Michigan (in) 1852. I was sorry to leave some of my playmates; but I did not realize how far we were going. We left Galston on Saturday, the eighth of May, staid over Sunday at Uncle Alexander's in Glascow, on Monday took a steamer down the River Clyde and sailed from Greencock in the sailing ship "Conway," that evening, and landed in New York seven weeks from that day. It was a rather tedious voyage, but in some ways I enjoyed it. I was seasick only the first morning, as we were starting out in something of a storm. I think father was the only one of us who was not seasick. He had his hands full looking after the family, and doing what he could to keep us boys from climbing the ropes and swinging out over the ocean when the ship rocked. The vessel lay almost still for many days.

When we were near Newfoundland, we saw two icebergs a large one and a small one. The passengers had a scare a little later. There was a great crash, and many thought one of the icebergs had struck the ship. For a little while there were some wailing and praying. But it was soon learned that a heavy boom had fallen from the sailors' hands when they were aloft. The end of it went through the thick deck. In falling, it glanced upon a woman's head and she had a narrow escape from death.

I was interested in seeing at least one large whale, shoals of porpoises and many gulls. We were all glad to see the land when we came near to New York. The scene was grand. Grandfather Paton (or was it his grandmother?), who came with us, said: "It's worth while comin' a' the w'y to see't."

We came to Albany and Buffalo by rail, and from there to Detroit by steamer -the Atlantic- Friday evening. (That vessel was wrecked on her next trip from Buffalo.) Friday night we came to Amherstburg by a small river vessel. We arrived about midnight, and put up at a hotel. But Uncle John Hamilton, who was with us, could not wait and making inquiry about the way, walked out two miles to "Onslow Farm," where Uncle John Paton lived. He came for us with his team early in the morning. At six'oclock he was at the foot of the stairs where we were sleeping, calling out: "Sleepers, are you going to sleep all day?"

We were soon all up, and loaded up for the road, and were soon at the farm. That was a happy meeting, especially for the older ones who had not seen each other since Uncle John's folks left Scotland about nine years before. I remember getting into a cherry tree before reaching the house. Some of us were "awful hungry" for fresh fruit, and did not think much about etiquette.

The "Rosebank" house, near Onslow, being vacant, we made our home there six or seven weeks, and father and David worked for Uncle John in haying and harvest. I remember that none of us enjoyed our first dish of cornmeal, as it was cooked and served before it was known by our folks that it needed to be sifted. Mr. Wingfield, an old man of leisure, fished in the Detroit River near by, and kept the family quite well supplied with fish.

During the weeks of our stay in Canada, father and Uncle John made a trip to the Scotch Settlement, southeast of Almont, and father bought 200 acres of land, what was known as the "Salsbury farm," two miles east of Almont. Uncle John Hamilton took twenty acres of it, and it was understood that Uncle John Paton would take ninety acres; but for what was considered a good reason, he backed out, and father kept it all for a time.

On moving to Michigan, we lived about three months in a loghouse belonging to Mr. Gideon Draper, a little over six miles southeast of Almont. We then moved late in the year into a log house on old Mr. John Millikin's farm, across the road from where Brother James lives. There we lived, after a very crowded manner, until April 1, 1853, when we moved across the road to father's farm.

From the time I was ten years of age until I was seventeen, I worked on the home farm in the summers, and went to school in the winters. We all learned something of what "hard times" means. My sister Christina used to knit the socks for the family. But she was married to Mr. William Millikin in August 1853. After that she taught me how to knit; and for several years I knitted all the socks I wore, and some others. I remember going to church one day in Almont with very cheap clothing, and without shoes. I got into somebody's pew, but was put out of it, though there was plenty of room. I had to learn some lessons.

In the winter of 1860/61, I taught school in the Retherford district, just north of home, and boarded round. Next summer I worked on the home farm, and in the autumn I spent three months with Uncle John Paton on the "Rosebank" farm, near Amherstburg, Canada. That was the first year of the Civil War.

Early in 1858, I had become specially interested in Christ and salvation, during a series of meetings held in the "McGeorge School House," about two and a half miles east of home. The meetings were conducted by Eld. Sullivan Clark, a Methodist Protestant Minister. But I found peace in believing in Jesus as my personal Saviour while listening to a sermon delivered in the "Country Line School house," by Mr. William McKay, one of our neighhours, who had accepted the teaching of Mr. James Morrison in Scotland. On March 7, 1858, I was baptized by Eld. William Potter, of Hadley, Mich., and united with the Almont Baptist Church. No one of our family, so far as I know, believed in a limited atonement and close communion, as was quite common among the Baptists. On August 17, 1861, I left that church because of their rejection of Eld. Wisner, their pastor who preached anti-Calvinistic doctrine. Several of us thought of the casting out of that minister as virtually casting us out, who believed the same way.

Late in 1861, I came from Uncle John's in Canada, and spent the winter drawing wood to Almont, and grain to the lumberwoods, with father's team —"Dick" and "Bill". In the Spring of 1862, I engaged to work for Stephen Warner, on the Demberger farm, six miles west of Romeo, while my brother David was working for Mr. Hugh Gray, on his farm at Clifton Mill.

The years in the Army made a change in my previous plans about getting a more liberal education. I was not home very long when a friendship of several years was emphasized, and I was engaged to be married, and I planned to be a farmer. In the Autumn of 1865, I bought forty acres of land in the township of Armada, two and a half miles northeast of the village, near Uncle John Paton's farm. The following winter I taught school in the home district, three miles east of Almont. On January 13, 1566, I was married to Miss Sarah Elizabeth Wilson, who was born (of English parents), in the township of Berlin, St. Clair Co., Mich., on January 21, 1844. This was the climax of an acquaintance which began when we were children together at school.

We have had and still have six children: Henry Wilson (born Nov. 1, 1866), George Wilber, (born Oct. 11, 1868), Nora Edith, (Mrs. S. O. Robinson), (born July 5, 1870), David William, (born July 28, 1874), and Annie Ethel, (Mrs. O.E. Swain) (born May 12, 1883). We have had no death in our family. Our six are all married, and I married them all, and we have sixteen grandchildren. All our children were welcome.

By avoiding all expensive habits in the army, (except that I wrote many letters, having had at one time twenty correspondents), I saved a large part of my wages, which helped us to start; but I felt the need of more money, and taught school in our district the following winter, and in other places later.

I long had a great desire to preach the gospel; but I felt that lack of a better education was in my way. But I early formed the habit of taking part in social Christian services as I had opportunity. I preached my first sermon in the summer of 1867. It was in the Stoddard School House several miles north, where I went on horseback to fill the regular appointment of Eld. Angell, a Methodist Protestant minister, who was called away to attend a funeral service. The schoolhouse was well filled. I felt rather timid, and yet was not afraid. I had something to say to the people, and I said it, using a simple and familiar text: "I am not ashamed of the gospel of Christ, etc." Rom. 1:16. I was somewhat slow of speech, and in private conversation a little inclined to stammer. This had been urged by a brother against my trying to preach, but I learned by experience that I could speak easier in public than in private. Eld. Angell urged me to go to Conference, and take the work of a minister among them, but this I could not conscientiously do. I did, however, accept what they called "An Exhorter's Licence," and from that time preached in several places, and enjoyed the work.

In the autumn of 1867, I bought forty acres of land four miles northeast of the village of Almont, and we moved there in November. While there we lived in an old log house. It was not luxurious, but we were quite comfortable. (Next summer we sold our land in Armada to Cousin Henry P. Leighton.)

We had not been there very long when my wife had an attack of inflammatory rheumatism, and we were soon convinced that we had made a mistake in taking the care and responsibility of that time. We moved back to our log house in March 1869, and felt very much at home. Soon after, I rented a part of the farm of John McKail, Jr., and sometime that year we moved into his house. The next winter I spent considerable time drawing farm produce to the lumberwoods, and worked the farm during the summer of 1870, leaving there for Almont in November.

A few weeks before the ordination, I was sent by the church to Alpena as a delegate to the annual meeting of the Flint River Association of Baptist churches. I went by rail to Port Huron, and from there to East Tawas and Alpena by steamer. On the return trip I came to Bay City by steamer, and to Flint by rail. I rode with the Lapeer Baptist minister in his buggy from Flint to Lapeer, and then walked home about 25 miles in the afternoon of the same day. I do not know why I did not take the train to Imlay City, unless it was because money was scarce.

Soon after the ordination (in November), we had a sale on the McKail farm, and moved to the village of Almont, where our home has been ever since. We lived not far from (about?) four years in the Baptist parsonage, about a year in the "Weir House," and in the autumn of 1875 moved into the house that is still our home. During the first winter of my pastorate, we had a series of union meetings with the Congregational Church, of which Rev. H. R. Williams was pastor. As a result of this effort, each church received nine new members; six by first profession and baptism and three by letter. The work was very harmonious and satisfactory. I never conducted a service on the "Close Communion" plan. At the Lord's table, I never put up nor took down any bars. Whoever wishes to remember Christ has a right to do so.

During my Army life I did not lose my interest in Christ. I read the New Testament through six times, and was led to do a good deal of thinking; and I learned to doubt the truth of the common church doctrine of human destiny. I wrote to my father about it, and told him that I was convinced that all would finally be saved, and that thus God would be all in all, and have a clean universe, unmarred by sin and suffering. We had considerable discussion on the subject, and I was not settled about it. Later, after coming home, I learned to think that the clean universe might be secured, and sin and pain be done away by the destruction of all the incorrigible. And at the time my ordination I told the Council that I was inclined (to) the doctrine of "conditional immortality." Still they ordained me, thinking that I would outgrow the idea. But it grew on me, and I preached it, thinking that many would be glad to accept that solution of the question. But it resulted in bitter opposition on the part of some of the members of the church, and there was some talk of a trial for heresy.

Anticipating this, I resigned my pastorate on December 24, 1871, and soon after applied for membership in the Advent Christian Conference, of Michigan, and accepted, though I was still a member of the Baptist church. But after that a Council was called, which met in the Baptist church on February 28, 1872, and I was formally charged with heresy.

In hope of having reasonable opportunity to defend my views, I appeared before the Council for trial; but when the chairman announced that I would not be allowed any defense, but that I must answer all their questions only by Yes or No, I refused to answer, and denied their right to put me thus on trial. I expected, I was then formally disfellowshipped by the Baptist ministry and church. Soon afterward, I organized a "Church of Christ," in Almont, which united with the Michigan Advent Christian Conference.

The young church and I remained in the Conference only about two years. By farther study of the Scriptures my views were modified and enlarged; and many of the members of the churches where I preached grew with me. But while I did not make my opinions a test of fellowship, I did not find the leaders in the Conference as willing to tolerate the differences; and I withdrew.

I cannot say that these churches have been a success as organizations. I have not been successful either as an evangelist or as an organizer. My work has been mainly that of a teacher, and have made very little effort to add names to church lists. Yet through the years I have baptized a goodly number of converts, and several have confessed that my teaching of the word had saved them from infidelity.

The Adventist plan was sufficient to get rid of sin and pain by killing the sinners; but it required the perpetuation of the death state, which was a result of sin. But I saw that the Bible plan required the destruction of sin and pain and death by saving the sinners. Christ came into the world to save the lost, and I believe that he will not fail in even a single instance. I have learned to believe in Christ as the First and the Last, the All-inclusive Creation of the Father, the Unit of the whole race; and that He is therefore the Life, the Light, the Judge and the Savior of all. And for more than thirty years, since getting this worldwide view, I have done what I could with both voice and pen to proclaim this full gospel of Christ, and I am assured that my labor has not been in vain. The larger gospel truth is spreading, and many sad hearts have been comforted.

I have visited several expositions. My brother Alexander went with me to the "Centennial" at Philadelphia. My son Henry went with me to the "Cotton Exposition" at New Orleans. My son David went with me to the exposition at Atlanta, Ga., taking in the Dedication of the National Park at Chattanooga, Tenn., on the way. My whole family attended the "World's Fair" at Chicago. And my son-in-law, S.O Robinson, went with me to the "Pan American," at Buffalo N.Y. It has been interesting to note the progress along the various lines in these years, especially in the uses of electricity. I do not expect to go to San Francisco this year.

These were enjoyable things; and the blessings have been many all along the way having had very little sickness and no deaths in my family. But on August 9, 1912, my wife (always a willing and faithful helper in my work) was stricken with apoplexy; and it seemed for weeks that we must part. The physicians gave us no hope of her recovery. But we did what we could in the use of remedies and treatment, and with the Lord's blessing she wonderfully recovered, having been quite well and comfortable for many months. From September 1912, we made our home for eleven months with our daughter Christine in Detroit. After that we returned to our home in Almont, where Nora and her children had been living while we were away; and they remained with us till June 1914. I would say here that all our children and their families have been very kind to us during the time of our trouble. And I am conscious that we have had the kind sympathy and earnest prayers of many friends.

I have not done so much traveling and preaching since my wife was taken sick; but I have preached a few times each month. "The World's Hope" is still published, and I still love to tell the story of God's plan of salvation, through Christ as I have opportunity. I am still waiting and watching to see how the Lord will fulfill his word about the Church, Israel, and the angry nations. The war cloud in Europe looks dark, and it is very extensive in its influence, but as the All-wise Father is at the helm we believe he will make man's wrath to praise him, and bring in the time when peace and righteousness will triumph under the reign of Christ –"the King of Kings and Lord of Lords."

John Paton was obviously an energetic, compassionate man, with an enquiring mind. He started several churches based on his personal understanding of Christianity. He was a missionary pioneer.

That John Paton’s own Baptist Church (in Almont) would decide to put him on trial for heresy, is not very surprising given the bewildering proliferation of Christian perspectives. It often came down to individuals arguing with each other about true Christianity, or how to interpret the Bible. It almost seems as if a small group would agree on a “new” perspective, and then form a church with a new name. Every sect had a history of sub-sects breaking off and creating “reformed” churches. Whether that “new” church survived depended on the strength of the leadership.

The writings of Reverend Field, the pioneering Swedenborgian minister, are filled with references to the debates that he invited as he went from town to town. Every pastor and minister was eager to take him on. They, for sure, must have felt that the Swedenborgians were heretics.

“. . . The term “Christianity,” especially since the Reformation, has covered an astonishing range of groups. Those claiming to represent “true Christianity,” in the twentieth century can range from a Catholic cardinal in the Vatican to an African Methodist Episcopal preacher initiating revival in Detroit, a Mormon missionary in Thailand, or the member of a village church on the coast of Greece. . . " (Pagels, 1979)

"Paton wrote his biography in 1915 . . . The biography, however, omits any mention of Paton's involvement with Russell or of Paton's involvement with N H Barbour, another of the men who helped Russell get started. This period of Paton's life covered almost 10 years. I will fill in a few of the details of those 10 years.

"Barbour had been involved in the prophecies of 1843/1844 when about 100,000 people seriously expected Jesus to return. Barbour lost his faith when the predictions failed and went to Australia to dig for gold. In 1859 he returned to America. On the return voyage he studied the Bible again, and again became convinced that certain prophetic calculations were correct.

"In the late 1860s Barbour began to publish his ideas and collect a group of followers. At that time he preached that Jesus would come in 1873. In 1873 Barbour started a monthly magazine called The Midnight Cry. This predicted Christ's coming for 1874. Paton became the assistant editor to Barbour soon after the magazine began. The circulation reached 15,000.

"When Jesus failed to arrive in 1874 the little sect changed it to early 1875. When this failed Barbour and Paton taught that Jesus had returned in 1874 after all but invisibly. Most of the readers of The Midnight Cry did not accept this idea and the circulation fell drastically to only a few hundred.

"At this stage Charles T Russell, a rich store owner, entered the scene. Russell had been converted to Adventist ideas in 1869 by Jonas Wendel.Then, for three years, he was taught by George Storrs (1796-1879), the leader of another Adventist sect. Wendel had taught that the world would be burned up in 1873 and Storrs had awaited the return of Jesus in 1870. By 1876 Russell was in charge of his own Bible group of about 20 people. Russell, in 1876, believed in an invisible return of Jesus. Because Paton and Barbour had the same idea Russell contacted them.

"The two cults joined into one with about 100 members. They predicted that they, the "living saints", would rise physically to heaven in 1878. On Passover night many of them gathered in white robes – but nothing happened. Barbour and Russell now began going separate ways. Paton stayed with Russell, this doubtless being a factor that influenced the majority of the cult to follow Russell rather than Barbour.

Russell now taught that the saints would go skywards in 1881. As late as January 1881 the Watch Tower taught: "we would expect our change by or before the fall of 1881…" (Watch Tower reprints pp. 180-181) Meanwhile, Russell urged his followers to donate money in order to avoid sickness and death.

"A factor that helped the Watchtower religion survive the many power struggles is that most of the prominent members always supported the man at the very top. Often such seconds, thirds and fourths in the hierarchy also deserted the sect later on – but again on an individual basis – just as happened in Paton's case. Paton, being one of the earliest, can therefore be seen as a forgotten co-founder of the JW sect.